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President Prabowo Subianto Orders Ministry of ESDM to Develop E50 Bioethanol Fuel to Cut Imports and Strengthen Energy Security

by Pevita Pearce
written by Pevita Pearce

Jakarta, Indonesia — In a decisive push toward national energy independence and the systematic reduction of fossil fuel dependency, President Prabowo Subianto has officially instructed Minister of Energy and Mineral Resources (ESDM) Bahlil Lahadalia to spearhead the comprehensive development of a 50 percent bioethanol fuel blend, widely designated as E50.

The directive was issued during the inaugural Plenary Session of the National Energy Council (Dewan Energi Nasional – DEN) for the year 2026, held at the historic Merdeka Palace in Jakarta. The high-level meeting convened key economic and energy ministers to address pressing domestic energy challenges against a backdrop of volatile global geopolitics and shifting supply chain dynamics.

According to Minister Bahlil, the strategic framework for developing E50 is directly modeled on the successful implementation and scaling of the nation’s 50 percent biodiesel (B50) program for diesel fuel, which has been in mandatory national circulation since July 1, 2026. By replicating the regulatory, industrial, and logistical triumphs of the B50 initiative, the Indonesian government aims to fast-track the transition toward high-percentage biofuel blends for gasoline-powered vehicles.

"Learning and moving forward from this success, the President instructed us today to immediately formulate identical, systematic steps to build out our E50 capabilities," Bahlil stated following the conclusion of the plenary session.

The Strategic Scale of Indonesia’s Fuel Consumption

To contextualize the monumental shift ordered by the administration, energy experts point to the sheer scale of Indonesia’s domestic fuel consumption. National demand for diesel hovers at approximately 39 million kiloliters annually. Concurrently, domestic consumption of gasoline ranges between 39 million and 40 million kiloliters per year, presenting an almost identical volume challenge that has historically necessitated massive, costly crude oil and refined product imports.

The ESDM Ministry has previously reported that the implementation of the B50 mandate successfully eliminated the need to import specific grades of diesel, notably CN 48. Government officials are operating on the premise that a successful rollout of E50 can replicate this domestic substitution effect for gasoline, neutralizing the heavy foreign exchange outflows currently tied to gasoline imports. While the administration views E50 as a critical instrument for dramatically curbing fuel imports, the Ministry of ESDM has yet to publish a definitive, binding timeline for the nationwide commercialization of the E50 blend.

The Phased Regulatory Roadmap for Bioethanol

The journey toward E50 does not happen in a vacuum; it is part of a meticulously mapped regulatory trajectory designed to gradually acclimate Indonesia’s automotive infrastructure, agricultural supply chains, and refining sectors to higher biofuel integration.

Historically, the commercialization of bioethanol-blended gasoline in Indonesia has experienced a slow introduction. The primary pioneering product in this category has been Pertamax Green 95, a commercial offering retailed by state-owned downstream oil and gas giant PT Pertamina Patra Niaga, which features a modest 5 percent bioethanol blend (E5). However, prior to recent regulatory actions, this product operated purely on a commercial, non-mandatory basis.

The legal foundation for scaling bioethanol utilization was formally established through the issuance of Ministerial Decree of ESDM Number 113.K/EK.05/MEM.E/2026. Signed on March 3, 2026, the decree outlines a clear, phased implementation timeline for plant-based fuel integration:

  • 2026 to 2027: Mandatory utilization and scaling of the E5 blend across designated markets.
  • 2028 to 2030: A mandatory step-up to a 10 percent bioethanol blend (E10).

Beyond this formal ministerial roadmap, the Ministry of ESDM has signaled even more aggressive mid-term ambitions. During a joint working hearing with Commission XII of the House of Representatives (DPR RI) on September 8, 2026, the Director General of New, Renewable Energy and Energy Conservation (EBTKE), Eniya Listiyani Dewi, elaborated on the government’s acceleration targets.

"In accordance with the directives of the Minister of ESDM, the implementation of E20 [a 20 percent bioethanol blend] is officially targeted for realization by 2028," Eniya informed lawmakers during the parliamentary session.

The progression from E5 to E10, the intermediate leap to E20 by 2028, and the ultimate horizon of E50 ordered by President Prabowo represent one of the most ambitious biofuel scaling programs globally.

Navigating Global Geopolitical Pressures and Fuel Reserves

Beyond the mandate for long-term biofuel transitions, the inaugural 2026 plenary session of the National Energy Council also placed heavy emphasis on immediate macroeconomic vulnerabilities, specifically focusing on national resilience against global geopolitical friction.

During the deliberations, government evaluations placed Indonesia’s current national strategic fuel reserves at approximately 18 to 20 days of supply. In response to unpredictable geopolitical flashpoints that threaten international maritime trade routes and crude oil pricing stability, President Prabowo issued a strict operational instruction: existing emergency and operational buffer stocks must be rigorously maintained at no less than the current 18-to-20-day threshold.

Minister Bahlil emphasized that accelerating the development of domestic substitutes like E50 is fundamentally intertwined with this national security objective. By lessening reliance on internationally traded crude oil and leveraging domestic agricultural products—such as sugarcane and cassava, which serve as primary feedstocks for bioethanol—Indonesia insulates its economy from external supply shocks.

"This is fundamentally about driving and securing the availability of domestic fuel supplies," Bahlil remarked, underscoring the dual socio-economic and security benefits of the policy.

Implications for Agriculture, Industry, and the Economy

The pivot toward high-blend bioethanol carries sweeping structural implications across multiple sectors of the Indonesian economy, extending far beyond the energy ministry and fuel pumps.

First, for the agricultural sector, the E50 mandate creates a massive, guaranteed domestic market for bioethanol feedstocks. Indonesia possesses vast tracts of agricultural land suitable for cultivating crops rich in biomass and sugar, such as sugarcane and sweet sorghum. Agricultural economists note that scaling bioethanol production to meet E50 demands will require a monumental revitalization and expansion of domestic plantations and processing mills. This agricultural scaling has the potential to generate hundreds of thousands of rural jobs, boost farmer incomes, and stimulate regional economic development outside of traditional industrial centers.

Second, for the automotive and manufacturing sectors, the introduction of high-octane, oxygenated fuel blends like E50 necessitates significant technical adaptations. Modern internal combustion engines can generally handle low-blend fuels like E5 or E10 without modification. However, transitioning to E50 requires rigorous testing regarding material compatibility—particularly concerning fuel lines, gaskets, and engine components susceptible to the corrosive properties of high-concentration alcohol. Automotive associations and manufacturers operating in Indonesia will need to coordinate closely with the government to ensure vehicle compatibility, prevent engine degradation, and educate consumers on the proper utilization of high-bioethanol fuels.

Third, from a fiscal and macroeconomic perspective, the long-term implications are profound. Indonesia’s current account balance has historically been strained by the massive importation of refined petroleum products to meet surging domestic transportation needs. By substituting up to half of the gasoline barrel with domestically produced bioethanol, the government can preserve critical foreign exchange reserves, stabilize the rupiah against global currency fluctuations, and redirect state subsidies toward more productive, long-term national development goals.

Furthermore, the environmental dividends align tightly with Indonesia’s international commitments to greenhouse gas emission reductions. As a signatory to various global climate accords, Indonesia has pledged to achieve net-zero emissions by 2060 or sooner. Because bioethanol is derived from plant matter that absorbs carbon dioxide during its growth cycle, its widespread adoption as a transportation fuel significantly lowers the carbon intensity profile of the nation’s transport sector compared to 100 percent fossil-derived gasoline.

Challenges Ahead: Infrastructure and Feedstock Supply

Despite the strategic clarity of President Prabowo’s directive, energy analysts caution that realizing the E50 vision will not be without hurdles.

The primary challenge lies in scaling feedstock production. Currently, Indonesia’s domestic bioethanol production capacity is relatively modest and largely geared toward industrial alcohol and limited blending trials. Expanding output to satisfy the baseline requirements of a nationwide E50 program requires massive capital investments in agricultural infrastructure, distillation plants, and supply chain logistics. Coordinating large-scale land use policies to ensure that bioethanol feedstock cultivation does not compete with food crop production will also be a critical regulatory balancing act for the administration.

Additionally, downstream infrastructure—including dedicated storage tanks, separate blending facilities at refineries, and specialized distribution networks—must be systematically upgraded to handle high-concentration ethanol safely, given its affinity for water absorption and specific chemical handling requirements.

Conclusion

President Prabowo Subianto’s directive to Minister Bahlil Lahadalia to formulate an E50 bioethanol roadmap marks a watershed moment in Indonesia’s energy policy. By building upon the institutional framework forged by the B50 biodiesel program, Indonesia is demonstrating a systemic, programmatic approach to breaking its historical dependence on imported fossil fuels.

While significant logistical, agricultural, and technical challenges remain on the horizon, the alignment of political will, structured regulatory roadmaps, and strategic national security imperatives positions bioethanol as a cornerstone of Indonesia’s energy future. As the Ministry of ESDM begins drafting the operational framework for E50, the nation moves one step closer to achieving true energy self-sufficiency, insulating its economy from external shocks, and cementing a sustainable pathway for long-term economic growth.

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Entertainment

President Prabowo Subianto Firmly Warns Corporate Offenders Behind Forest Fires, Threatens Immediate License Revocation and Criminal Prosecution

by Nila Kartika Wati
written by Nila Kartika Wati

JAKARTA — In a decisive stance against environmental degradation, Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto has issued a stern ultimatum to corporate entities involved in deliberate forest and land fires, commonly known as karhutla. Speaking before a high-level assembly of cabinet ministers and state officials, the head of state emphasized that his administration would extend no leniency to companies that prioritize short-term commercial gains over public health, ecological stability, and national law. The presidential directive highlights a zero-tolerance policy toward systematic environmental crimes that have historically plagued parts of the archipelago during the dry seasons.

The uncompromising remarks were delivered during a Cabinet Limited Meeting convened at the State Palace in Jakarta. While forest fires formed a central pillar of the agenda, the high-stakes gathering also addressed concurrent national crises, including disaster management efforts following the earthquake in East Nusa Tenggara (NTT), the maritime incident involving the Virgo vessel, and the mysterious disappearance of a journalist. However, it was the President’s hardline approach to corporate negligence and arson in forested zones that dominated political and environmental discourse following the meeting.

Escalating Government Response to Recurrent Ecological Crises

Forest and land fires have long posed a complex socioeconomic and environmental challenge for Indonesia, frequently resulting in transboundary haze, severe respiratory illnesses among citizens, substantial economic disruption, and massive releases of carbon emissions into the atmosphere. Despite years of preventative campaigns and regulatory frameworks, illegal land-clearing practices utilizing fire—often favored due to their low cost—persist among certain agricultural and forestry enterprises.

During the State Palace proceedings, President Prabowo instructed relevant ministries and law enforcement agencies to elevate their vigilance and enforcement mechanisms. He argued that superficial administrative reprimands or minor financial penalties are wholly insufficient to deter wealthy corporations. Consequently, the government is shifting toward maximum deterrence, combining severe criminal indictments with administrative paralysis of offending entities.

Central to the President’s directive is the immediate revocation of business licenses for corporations found culpable of igniting fires. Rather than protracted administrative reviews that have historically allowed errant companies to exploit bureaucratic loopholes, Prabowo demanded expedited revocations. By stripping businesses of their legal operating credentials, the state aims to dismantle the commercial viability of enterprises that systemically violate environmental protection statutes.

Data and Enforcement Context: The Scale of Legal Action

The presidential warning coincides with intensifying legal scrutiny across the forestry and plantation sectors. Law enforcement and environmental agencies have ramped up investigations into corporate misconduct linked to recent ecological disasters. According to recent institutional disclosures, approximately 95 corporate entities are currently navigating various stages of formal legal processing, ranging from preliminary investigation to active judicial prosecution.

These numbers reflect a mounting pressure campaign by the Ministry of Environment and Forestry, the Indonesian National Police, and the Attorney General’s Office. Investigators are utilizing advanced satellite telemetry, thermal hotspot mapping, and forensic soil analysis to trace the exact origins of blazes and link them directly to corporate land-management concessions. The intersection of strict political will from the executive branch and heightened investigative rigor points toward a watershed moment in Indonesian environmental jurisprudence.

Furthermore, environmental advocacy organizations and legal watchdogs have long pointed out that corporate impunity remains the primary bottleneck in resolving the annual haze crisis. By targeting the legal entities and corporate ownership structures—rather than merely arresting low-level field workers who physically ignite the brush under orders—the government’s current strategy targets the financial apex of illicit operations.

Chronology of the Policy Shift and Institutional Coordination

The trajectory toward this aggressive enforcement posture has evolved over several legislative and administrative cycles, culminating in the current administration’s aggressive consolidation of environmental laws.

In the weeks leading up to the State Palace meeting, regional disaster mitigation agencies and meteorological authorities reported an uptick in localized dry conditions, heightening the risk of combustible terrain across Sumatra and Kalimantan. Recognizing the early indicators of potential seasonal escalation, the central government initiated preemptive coordination meetings.

The timeline of the recent government response underscores a synchronized inter-agency approach:

  • Early Phase: Meteorological monitoring agencies detect anomalies in rainfall patterns, prompting early warnings regarding high-risk provinces susceptible to rapid vegetation drying.
  • Mid Phase: Investigative bodies initiate proactive sweeps of industrial forest concessions and palm oil plantations, auditing fire management infrastructure and compliance with zero-burning policies.
  • Current Phase: The National Cabinet Meeting chaired by President Prabowo solidifies the political mandate, transitioning from standard regulatory oversight to punitive enforcement, characterized by threats of corporate license revocation and stringent criminal prosecution.

This chronological progression demonstrates a strategic pivot from reactive firefighting to pre-emptive deterrence and systemic corporate accountability.

Reactions from Government Ministries and Civil Society

The President’s unambiguous stance has elicited varied responses from government stakeholders, legal experts, and civil society organizations, all of whom recognize the profound implications of executing such a hardline policy.

Law enforcement agencies, including the Indonesian National Police, have signaled their readiness to accelerate dossiers involving corporate suspects. Interior and forestry ministries have likewise begun reviewing the legal mechanisms required to streamline the revocation of operational permits without violating administrative law or triggering protracted commercial arbitration disputes that corporations often utilize to stall state actions.

Meanwhile, environmental non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have cautiously welcomed the announcement, viewing it as a long-overdue alignment of executive authority with ecological preservation. Representatives from civil society coalitions emphasized that while verbal commitments and policy directives are vital, the ultimate test lies in transparent execution and the successful prosecution of high-profile corporate actors without political interference. Analysts note that previous administrations occasionally threatened license revocations, but subsequent follow-through varied widely depending on commodity market pressures and legal challenges filed by affected conglomerates.

Broader Economic and Geopolitical Implications

The enforcement of stringent criminal penalties and rapid permit revocations carries significant economic reverberations for Indonesia’s vital agribusiness sectors, particularly palm oil and pulp and paper industries. Indonesia remains the world’s leading producer of palm oil, a commodity deeply integrated into domestic economic growth and global supply chains.

From an economic perspective, stringent crackdowns introduce temporary market adjustments. Investors and corporate boards are being forced to internalize environmental risk management as a core operational requirement rather than an administrative afterthought. Companies with robust sustainability frameworks, traceable supply chains, and advanced fire-prevention technologies stand to gain a competitive advantage, while recalcitrant operators face existential business risks.

Internationally, Indonesia’s commitment to curbing forest fires and reducing greenhouse gas emissions is closely monitored by global trade partners and international climate bodies. Strict enforcement mechanisms serve to bolster the nation’s credibility in international climate negotiations, addressing longstanding criticisms regarding deforestation and peatland degradation. By demonstrating tangible punitive actions against domestic and transnational corporate offenders, Jakarta reinforces its adherence to international environmental commitments and sustainable development goals.

Ultimately, President Prabowo Subianto’s directive marks a critical juncture in Indonesia’s environmental governance. By marrying executive resolve with strict penal and administrative consequences, the administration is signaling that environmental degradation will no longer be treated as a routine cost of doing business, but as a severe criminal offense carrying irreversible consequences for corporate violators.

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National News

President Joko Widodo Visits Sikka Regency to Support Earthquake Survivors in East Nusa Tenggara

by Raul Delapena Setiawan
written by Raul Delapena Setiawan

President Joko Widodo arrived in Sikka Regency, East Nusa Tenggara (NTT), on Wednesday, September 16, to conduct a working visit focused on disaster relief efforts and community engagement. The President’s visit follows the significant seismic activity that impacted the region in mid-August, causing widespread disruption to local infrastructure and the livelihoods of residents. The arrival of the Head of State at approximately 13:00 Central Indonesian Time (WITA) underscores the administration’s commitment to accelerating the recovery process in disaster-prone areas of the archipelago.

Official confirmation regarding the President’s itinerary was provided by the Sikka Regency Public Relations Office, which noted that the primary objective of the visit is to provide direct support and express solidarity with the survivors of the August 15 earthquake. While the specific delegation accompanying the President remains undisclosed at this stage, the visit is being viewed as a critical step in assessing the effectiveness of the central government’s emergency response initiatives in the eastern provinces.

Contextualizing the Seismic Impact in NTT

The earthquake that struck East Nusa Tenggara on August 15, 2026, serves as the backdrop for this presidential visit. NTT is geographically situated within the "Ring of Fire," a region characterized by high tectonic activity and frequent volcanic and seismic events. The mid-August tremor resulted in structural damage to residential dwellings, public facilities, and small-scale agricultural infrastructure, which form the backbone of the local economy in Sikka and surrounding regencies.

For many survivors, the President’s visit serves as a morale booster. In the immediate aftermath of such natural disasters, the presence of national leadership often correlates with a renewed sense of urgency in the distribution of aid, the reconstruction of essential services, and the implementation of long-term mitigation strategies. Local authorities in Sikka have been working in coordination with the National Agency for Disaster Countermeasure (BNPB) to map the affected areas and ensure that recovery funds reach the intended beneficiaries.

A Pattern of Regional Engagement

President Joko Widodo’s visit to Sikka is part of a broader, consistent pattern of regional outreach. Throughout his tenure, the President has prioritized direct interactions with communities outside of the capital, Jakarta. This approach is designed to bridge the geographic and bureaucratic divide between the central government and the diverse provinces of Indonesia.

Prior to his arrival in NTT, the President made headlines for his appearance at a social and cultural event in Cirebon, West Java, on Saturday, September 12. During that visit, he attended a communal ceremony hosted by the Al-Busthomi Foundation, accompanied by his youngest son, Kaesang Pangarep, who serves as the General Chairman of the Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI). The inclusion of political figures in his regional tours has occasionally drawn scrutiny, yet the administration maintains that these visits are primarily focused on maintaining social cohesion and observing regional developments firsthand.

Furthermore, the President’s recent itinerary reflects a high frequency of travel. Earlier in August, he completed a three-day visit to Kupang, the capital of NTT, spanning from July 31 to August 2. During that time, he engaged in a multi-faceted agenda that included:

  • Economic Dialogues: Meetings with seaweed farmers at Oesina Beach to discuss supply chain challenges and export potential.
  • Political Outreach: Attendance at the Regional Coordination Meeting (Rakorda) of the PSI in Kupang.
  • Public Engagement: Participation in Car Free Day (CFD) activities and attendance at local cultural carnivals, aimed at promoting tourism and regional identity.

Strategic Implications of the Visit

The frequency of the President’s visits to NTT suggests that the region holds significant strategic importance in the administration’s development agenda. NTT, often characterized by its unique geographical challenges and potential in the maritime and agricultural sectors, has seen increased infrastructure investment under the current government. From the construction of dams and irrigation systems to the development of tourism hubs, the administration’s focus on the region is intended to narrow the economic disparity between the western and eastern parts of Indonesia.

However, the visibility of these visits also brings the government’s actions under a sharper lens. For instance, a recent visit to Lampung, where the President participated in a traditional ritual involving the symbolic stepping on a buffalo head, sparked extensive public discourse. Such events highlight the complex intersection of traditional culture, political optics, and the public’s expectations of the President’s role in modernizing the nation while respecting indigenous customs.

Logistics and Coordination

Managing a presidential visit in a post-disaster environment requires intricate coordination between the Presidential Security Force (Paspampres), the local military (Kodim), and the regional police (Polres). The primary challenge for officials in Sikka is balancing the strict security protocols required for a sitting President with the need for accessibility for the survivors of the earthquake.

As of the current reporting, local authorities are finalizing the logistical arrangements for the President to interact with community leaders and representatives of the affected families. The focus remains on addressing immediate needs, such as the restoration of water supply, temporary housing, and medical assistance for those injured during the earthquake.

Looking Ahead: The Recovery Roadmap

The impact of the August 15 earthquake in NTT serves as a reminder of the vulnerability of the region’s infrastructure. Experts argue that while direct assistance from the President is beneficial for immediate relief, the long-term solution lies in resilient infrastructure planning. Seismic-resistant construction standards and enhanced early warning systems are key components that the government is expected to prioritize in the coming months.

Analysts suggest that the President’s physical presence in Sikka is intended to signal a sustained commitment to these long-term goals. By visiting the site, the President is not only observing the damage but is also placing the recovery project under the direct purview of the central government, effectively bypassing potential administrative bottlenecks at the local level.

Broader Public Sentiment

Public reaction to the President’s travel schedule is generally divided. Supporters emphasize the importance of leadership presence during times of crisis, arguing that it keeps regional officials accountable and ensures that aid is disbursed efficiently. Critics, however, suggest that the frequency of these visits, particularly when coupled with political events or public ceremonies, may distract from the heavy legislative and administrative work required in the capital.

Regardless of the political debate, the arrival of the President in Sikka is a pivotal event for the local community. For the residents of Sikka, the visit represents a tangible link to the state. As the recovery process moves from the emergency phase to the rehabilitation and reconstruction phase, the government will need to maintain this level of attention to ensure that the promises made during these visits translate into durable improvements for the citizens of East Nusa Tenggara.

Conclusion

The visit of President Joko Widodo to Sikka, NTT, on September 16, 2026, marks a continuation of his policy of direct presidential engagement. While the primary impetus for this specific trip is the humanitarian response to the earthquake that occurred in mid-August, the visit also functions as an inspection of the government’s regional development progress.

As the President meets with survivors and local officials, the focus remains on the efficacy of the recovery efforts and the broader developmental trajectory of the eastern provinces. With a track record of frequent travel and engagement, the administration continues to prioritize on-the-ground assessment as a primary tool of governance. The coming weeks will reveal the impact of this visit, particularly in terms of the acceleration of aid distribution and the initiation of long-term structural repairs in the earthquake-affected zones of NTT. The eyes of the nation remain on Sikka, as the government seeks to balance the immediate needs of disaster victims with the larger aspirations for regional growth and national stability.

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Economy & Finance

Profile of Suahasil Nazara: From Academic Halls to Leading Indonesia’s Ministry of Finance Under President Prabowo Subianto

by Raul Delapena Setiawan
written by Raul Delapena Setiawan

Jakarta faces a significant leadership transition within its highest economic echelons as Suahasil Nazara officially assumed office as the Minister of Finance on September 14, 2026. Appointed under the administration of President Prabowo Subianto via Presidential Decree Number 97P of 2026, Suahasil steps into the role to succeed Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa. This transition marks a pivotal moment for Indonesia’s fiscal landscape, bringing to the forefront a technocrat deeply steeped in academic rigor, extensive fiscal policy formulation, and long-standing administrative experience within the ministry itself.

The appointment of Suahasil is not merely a routine cabinet reshuffle; it represents a calculated continuity in leadership. Having served as the Deputy Minister of Finance across successive administrations—first under President Joko Widodo’s Indonesia Onward Cabinet and subsequently under President Prabowo’s Red and White Cabinet—Suahasil embodies institutional memory. As he takes the helm as the third Minister of Finance in the current presidential term, following the tenures of Sri Mulyani Indrawati and Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa, the financial markets, international investors, and domestic stakeholders are closely watching how his leadership will steer the nation’s economic engine through complex global and domestic challenges.

Educational Foundations and Academic Career

Born in Jakarta on November 23, 1970, Suahasil Nazara’s journey to the pinnacle of Indonesia’s economic governance is anchored in a robust academic foundation spanning top-tier institutions both domestically and internationally. His trajectory reflects a classic blend of theoretical economic study and practical public policy application, beginning in the halls of the Universitas Indonesia (UI).

In 1994, Suahasil earned his Bachelor of Economics degree from the Faculty of Economics at Universitas Indonesia (FEB UI). This foundational education provided him with a comprehensive understanding of macroeconomic principles tailored to developing economies. Eager to deepen his expertise, he traveled to the United States for his postgraduate studies. He enrolled at Cornell University, where he successfully completed a Master of Science degree in 1997, further refining his quantitative and analytical capabilities in economic theory.

Suahasil’s academic pursuit culminated in a doctoral degree. He attended the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, where he dedicated years to advanced economic research. In 2003, he was awarded his Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.) in economics. This rigorous international education equipped him with advanced empirical tools, which would later prove invaluable in managing Southeast Asia’s largest economy.

Upon completing his doctorate, Suahasil returned to his alma mater to shape the next generation of Indonesian economists. He officially joined the faculty at FEB UI as a lecturer in 1999. Over the next decade and a half, his leadership within the academic community grew exponentially. He served as the Head of the Graduate Program in Economics from 2004 to 2005, followed by a tenure as the Head of the Demographic Institute at FEB UI from 2005 to 2008. His academic leadership peaked when he was appointed Chairman of the Department of Economics from 2009 to 2013. In recognition of his scholarly contributions and dedication to economic science, Universitas Indonesia bestowed upon him the title of Professor (Guru Besar) in economics in 2009.

Transition into Fiscal Policy and Technocratic Rise

While Suahasil’s roots are deeply planted in academia, his transition into public policy was seamless. His academic credentials and research focus naturally drew the attention of policymakers seeking empirical backing for national development strategies. The shift from the lecture hall to the corridors of power materialized significantly in 2015 when he was appointed as the Acting Head of the Fiscal Policy Agency (BKF) at the Ministry of Finance.

Recognizing his profound capability to navigate complex budgetary frameworks and macroeconomic forecasting, the government confirmed him as the definitive Head of the Fiscal Policy Agency a year later, a position he held until 2019. During his tenure at the BKF, Suahasil played a critical role in shaping national taxation policies, state expenditure strategies, and subsidy reforms. This period cemented his reputation as a meticulous policymaker capable of balancing growth-oriented fiscal stimuli with stringent fiscal prudence.

His high-level bureaucratic performance caught the eye of the nation’s top leadership. On October 25, 2019, President Joko Widodo appointed Suahasil as the Deputy Minister of Finance, tasking him with assisting the minister in managing the colossal task of national economic recovery, particularly during the unprecedented disruptions caused by the global COVID-19 pandemic. His institutional stability was further demonstrated when President Prabowo Subianto retained him as Deputy Minister of Finance in the Red and White Cabinet on October 21, 2024.

Chronology of Leadership and the Ministerial Succession

The leadership transition at the Ministry of Finance in September 2026 highlights the dynamic nature of President Prabowo Subianto’s economic team. The progression of finance ministers within the current administration reflects ongoing strategic adjustments to meet shifting macroeconomic realities.

  • Initial Phase: At the onset of President Prabowo’s administration, the mantle of financial stewardship was initially held by Sri Mulyani Indrawati, providing continuity from the previous administration and reassuring global markets regarding Indonesia’s fiscal discipline.
  • Mid-Term Adjustment: Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa subsequently assumed the role, bringing a distinct policy approach focused on accelerating domestic liquidity and funding strategic state projects.
  • Current Transition: On September 14, 2026, following Purbaya’s departure, Suahasil Nazara was officially inaugurated as the Minister of Finance, bringing decades of internal ministry experience and fiscal policy mastery to the forefront of executive decision-making.

The handover ceremony from Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa to Suahasil Nazara underscored a spirit of institutional continuity. Observers noted that because Suahasil had worked intimately alongside previous ministers as a deputy, the learning curve associated with the ministerial transition would be remarkably flat, allowing the ministry to maintain uninterrupted momentum in executing the state budget (APBN).

Market Reactions and Economic Implications

The appointment of an internal technocrat with a robust academic background has elicited generally favorable responses from the economic community and financial markets. Economists and market analysts have emphasized that Suahasil’s primary immediate priority—often referred to by analysts as his principal "PR" (public relations and professional homework)—is to ensure that the government’s fiscal policies remain highly predictable, transparent, and aligned with market expectations.

In the wake of his inauguration, Suahasil firmly reiterated his unwavering commitment to safeguarding the nation’s financial health. He stressed that state finances must remain resilient amidst global geopolitical uncertainties, fluctuating commodity prices, and domestic development demands. Financial analysts have pointed out that Suahasil’s deep familiarity with the structural mechanics of the Ministry of Finance minimizes policy volatility, which is a critical factor for foreign investors evaluating Indonesian sovereign bonds and direct investments.

Furthermore, Suahasil’s leadership is expected to focus heavily on optimizing the "fiscal machine" of the Prabowo administration. This includes streamlining state expenditures to directly support core presidential priorities—such as food security, downstream mineral processing, and human capital development—without violating the legally mandated fiscal deficit ceiling of 3 percent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP).

Broader Impact on National Development

As Indonesia navigates its path toward its long-term national aspirations, the Ministry of Finance under Suahasil Nazara serves as the financial anchor. The interplay between aggressive growth targets and fiscal sustainability will test his administrative acumen. With a career that has evolved from analyzing economic theories in university classrooms to crafting the very fiscal policies that govern the nation’s treasury, Suahasil stands uniquely equipped for the challenge.

The success of his tenure will ultimately be measured by his ability to maintain investor confidence, optimize tax collection without stifling business growth, and allocate state funds efficiently to eradicate extreme poverty and boost productivity. As Suahasil Nazara takes command of the financial ministry, Indonesia enters a new chapter of fiscal governance defined by academic precision, institutional familiarity, and a steadfast dedication to national economic stability.

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Entertainment

Dynamics of the Red and White Cabinet: Suahasil Nazara Appointed Seventh Finance Minister Following Abrupt Reshuffle Under President Prabowo Subianto

by Ammar Sabilarrohman
written by Ammar Sabilarrohman

The political landscape of Indonesia experienced another significant shift as President Prabowo Subianto executed yet another structural adjustment within the executive branch, marking the seventh cabinet reshuffle since the formation of the Red and White Administration in October 2024. The most recent and high-profile transition occurred within the Ministry of Finance, where Suahasil Nazara was officially sworn in to assume the role of Minister of Finance on Monday, September 14, 2026. This abrupt leadership change saw the outgoing Finance Minister, Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa, relinquish his duties under unexpected circumstances while actively participating in a parliamentary hearing at the Regional Representative Council (DPD RI) earlier that same day.

The recurring adjustments within President Prabowo’s administration underscore a continuous administrative fine-tuning aimed at optimizing bureaucratic efficiency, economic stability, and policy execution. With the elevation of Suahasil Nazara—who previously served as the Deputy Minister of Finance—the government aims to maintain fiscal continuity while navigating domestic and international financial complexities. The persistent turnover across various strategic ministries highlights a dynamic governance model where performance metrics and strategic alignment are subjected to continuous evaluation by the highest office in the nation.

Chronology of Cabinet Restructuring: A Timeline of the Red and White Administration

Since taking the oath of office in late 2024, President Prabowo Subianto has demonstrated a willingness to alter his ministerial lineup to address emerging challenges and optimize governance. The sequence of structural modifications reflects a systematic approach to addressing both policy friction and administrative underperformance across multiple sectors.

The initial phase of cabinet instability materialized on Wednesday, February 19, 2025, when the administration announced its first major portfolio adjustment. Satryo Soemantri Brodjonegoro, who initially held the crucial portfolio of Minister of Higher Education, Science, and Technology (Mendiktisaintek), was relieved of his duties. Brian Yuliarto was swiftly appointed to succeed him, tasked with steering the nation’s academic and scientific advancement initiatives amidst rising demands for educational reform and technological integration.

A more extensive overhaul took place on Monday, September 8, 2025, when President Prabowo inducted four new ministers and one deputy minister in a single ceremony. This sweeping transition most notably impacted the economic sector, where Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa was installed as the Minister of Finance, succeeding Sri Mulyani, who had long anchored the nation’s fiscal policy. Alongside Purbaya, Mukhtarudin assumed leadership of the Ministry for the Protection of Indonesian Migrant Workers, taking over from Abdul Kadir Karding. Furthermore, Ferry Joko Yuliantono was designated as the Minister of Cooperatives, replacing Budi Arie Setiadi, while Mochamad Irfan Yusuf and Dahnil Anzar Simanjuntak were entrusted with the newly structured leadership of the Ministry of Haji and Umrah affairs as Minister and Deputy Minister, respectively.

The cadence of restructuring continued unabated just over a week later, on September 17, 2025, marked by a second wave of appointments within that month. Djamari Chaniago was brought into the security apparatus as the Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs (Menko Polkam), replacing Budi Gunawan. Concurrently, high-profile figure Erick Thohir transitioned to the role of Minister of Youth and Sports, succeeding Dito Ariotedjo. This specific round of changes also extended to the deputy ministerial level, featuring the appointment of Afriansyah Noor as Deputy Minister of Manpower in place of Immanuel Ebenezer, Rohmat Marzuki as Deputy Minister of Forestry replacing Sulaiman Umar, and Farida Farichah stepping in as Deputy Minister of Cooperatives to succeed Ferry J. Juliantono.

The culmination of these rolling adjustments brought the administration to its seventh major reshuffle by September 2026, positioning Suahasil Nazara at the helm of Southeast Asia’s largest economy during a critical juncture for national development and fiscal management.

Context and Circumstances Surrounding the Finance Ministry Transition

The transition of leadership at the Ministry of Finance in September 2026 carried an unusual degree of urgency. Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa, whose tenure began on September 8, 2025, saw his relatively brief term concluded abruptly while he was engaged in an official state duty—specifically attending a working meeting at the DPD RI building in Jakarta on Monday, September 14, 2026. The sudden nature of the recall underscored the rigorous performance expectations and rapid decision-making framework maintained by the Prabowo administration regarding key economic portfolios.

Purbaya’s tenure had been characterized by efforts to stimulate domestic liquidity, manage state budget allocations amidst expansive social welfare programs, and maintain investor confidence. However, economic headwinds, shifting global commodity prices, and domestic revenue targets necessitated a recalibration of financial leadership.

To ensure seamless operational continuity, the administration turned to an institutional insider rather than an external candidate. Suahasil Nazara, possessing extensive experience within the bureaucratic apparatus and having previously worked closely with both current and former economic leadership teams as Deputy Minister of Finance, was deemed the most pragmatic choice to prevent market volatility. His deep familiarity with the state budget (APBN), tax reform initiatives, and fiscal decentralization provided an immediate stabilizing factor following the sudden departure of his predecessor.

Implications for Fiscal Policy and Economic Stability

The appointment of Suahasil Nazara as the seventh Minister of Finance under the Red and White Cabinet carries significant implications for Indonesia’s macroeconomic trajectory. Financial markets and international rating agencies closely monitor leadership transitions in Jakarta, particularly within the finance portfolio, which serves as the guardian of the nation’s fiscal discipline and debt management strategy.

Market analysts have noted that Nazara’s promotion is likely to be received favorably by the financial community due to his technocratic background and profound institutional memory. Having navigated numerous fiscal challenges during his tenure as Deputy Minister—including the post-pandemic economic recovery and subsequent global inflationary pressures—Nazara is positioned to maintain a steady hand on public expenditures.

Key areas of focus for the newly appointed Finance Minister will include:

  • Securing state revenue targets through enhanced tax administration and digitalization.
  • Balancing the financing requirements of President Prabowo’s flagship social programs, such as the free nutritional meal initiative, with the constitutionally mandated fiscal deficit ceiling of 3 percent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP).
  • Managing sovereign debt yields and maintaining foreign exchange stability amid global monetary policy fluctuations.
  • Enhancing coordination with Bank Indonesia to harmonize monetary and fiscal instruments in curbing inflation and supporting sustainable economic growth.

The predictability and continuity offered by Nazara’s elevation are expected to mitigate potential jitteriness among foreign and domestic investors who value regulatory transparency and fiscal prudence.

Official Responses and Institutional Reactions

Following the swearing-in ceremony on September 14, 2026, expressions of support and institutional alignment emerged from various stakeholders within the government and legislative bodies. President Prabowo Subianto personally delivered his congratulations and directives to the newly inaugurated minister, emphasizing the paramount importance of safeguarding state finances and ensuring that every rupiah of the state budget directly benefits the welfare of the Indonesian populace.

Leadership within the House of Representatives (DPR RI) and the DPD RI expressed readiness to collaborate with Minister Suahasil Nazara. Lawmakers underscored the necessity of open communication between the executive branch and the legislature, particularly as the government navigates ongoing budgetary discussions and legislative oversight regarding national development priorities. Business associations, including the Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (KADIN) and the Indonesian Employers Association (APINDO), similarly issued cautious yet optimistic statements, welcoming a leader with proven administrative competence to guide the national economy through the remainder of the decade.

Conclusion: A Technocratic Anchor in a Dynamic Administration

The seventh reshuffle of the Red and White Cabinet marks a defining moment for the administration of President Prabowo Subianto, illustrating a dynamic approach to executive governance where performance, adaptability, and strategic alignment are continuously tested. By positioning Suahasil Nazara at the apex of the Ministry of Finance, the government has opted for a blend of institutional continuity and technocratic expertise. As Indonesia confronts both domestic development aspirations and complex global economic currents, the stability and strategic vision of the Ministry of Finance will remain central to the nation’s overarching trajectory of sustainable growth and fiscal resilience.

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Automotive

President Prabowo Subianto Appoints Suahasil Nazara as New Finance Minister Amid Strategic Cabinet Reshuffle

by Raul Delapena Setiawan
written by Raul Delapena Setiawan

Jakarta, Indonesia — In a significant development reflecting the ongoing adjustments within the Indonesian government’s top economic tier, President Prabowo Subianto officially inaugurated Suahasil Nazara as the new Minister of Finance. The swearing-in ceremony took place at the State Palace in Jakarta on Monday, September 14, 2026, marking a pivotal transition in the country’s fiscal leadership.

Suahasil Nazara assumes the critical ministerial portfolio following the abrupt removal of his predecessor, Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa, who was relieved of his duties on the exact same day. The appointment is officially sanctioned under Presidential Decree Number 97P of 2026, which formalizes the restructuring within the advanced administration. While cabinet reshuffles are typically preceded by months of political speculation, this high-level replacement at the Ministry of Finance underscores the administration’s dynamic approach to managing national economic policies, budgetary discipline, and fiscal resilience in an increasingly complex global economic landscape.

A Veteran Technocrat Steps Up to the Helm

Suahasil Nazara is by no means a newcomer to the inner workings of Indonesia’s fiscal fortress. His elevation to the position of Minister of Finance represents a natural, albeit accelerated, progression for a seasoned technocrat who has dedicated years to public service. Prior to his appointment as the chief custodian of the state budget, Suahasil served as the Deputy Minister of Finance, a strategic role he held since October 2019.

His tenure as Deputy Minister spanned two distinct presidential administrations, demonstrating his enduring value, administrative competence, and non-partisan technocratic appeal. Suahasil first entered the upper echelons of the Ministry of Finance during the administration of former President Joko Widodo, working closely alongside then-Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati. When President Prabowo Subianto assumed office, Suahasil was retained in his capacity as Deputy Minister, ensuring institutional continuity during a critical phase of political and economic transition.

With a strong academic background in economics—having earned his Ph.D. from the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign and previously serving as a prominent academic and chairman of the Fiscal Policy Agency (BKF) within the Ministry of Finance—Suahasil brings a profound understanding of macroeconomics, tax reform, and expenditure management to his new office. Financial markets and international investors have historically viewed his presence within the ministry as a stabilizing factor, signaling adherence to prudent fiscal management and structural reform.

Chronology of the Transition

The sudden departure of Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa and the immediate elevation of Suahasil Nazara caught many political observers and financial analysts by surprise, despite persistent murmurs regarding structural adjustments within the economic team.

The sequence of events on Monday, September 14, 2026, unfolded rapidly at the State Palace in Jakarta. The morning began with administrative preparations for the issuance of the presidential decree. By midday, confirmation emerged regarding the termination of Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa’s tenure as Minister of Finance, a post he had held since the formation of the Prabowo administration. Shortly thereafter, in a ceremony attended by senior cabinet ministers, state officials, and invited dignitaries, President Prabowo Subianto formally swore in Suahasil Nazara as the new Minister of Finance.

The rapid transition was deliberately designed to prevent any perception of a leadership vacuum within the ministry, particularly given Indonesia’s ongoing commitments regarding state budget execution, sovereign debt management, and macroeconomic stabilization. By elevating an internal figure who already possessed deep familiarity with ongoing fiscal operations, the administration aimed to reassure domestic and international stakeholders of policy consistency and operational continuity.

Comparative Wealth and Asset Disclosures: The LHKPN Insights

In accordance with Indonesian transparency laws governing public officials, the transition in leadership has once again brought the personal wealth and asset disclosures of both incoming and outgoing ministers under public scrutiny. Both Suahasil Nazara and Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa submitted their respective State Officials Wealth Reports (LHKPN) to the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) on February 27, 2026, offering a detailed snapshot of their financial standing and asset portfolios.

A comparative analysis of these mandatory disclosures reveals distinct differences in asset composition, vehicle collections, and net worth between the two high-ranking officials.

Suahasil Nazara’s Asset Portfolio

According to his February 2026 LHKPN filing submitted while he was serving as Deputy Minister, Suahasil Nazara reported a total net worth amounting to Rp138.1 billion. This substantial valuation places him among the wealthier members of the bureaucratic elite, largely reflecting long-term investments, property holdings, and accumulated savings over a distinguished career in academia and public service.

Specifically regarding vehicular assets, Suahasil’s collection is relatively modest in terms of sheer volume and total market valuation compared to his predecessor. The report details a garage consisting of four four-wheeled motor vehicles with a combined estimated value of Rp1.228 billion. Notably, Suahasil did not report the ownership of any motorcycles. The breakdown of his registered automobiles includes:

  1. A 2013 Toyota Camry Sedan, acquired through personal earnings, valued at Rp160 million.
  2. A 2019 Honda Jazz Sedan, acquired through personal earnings, valued at Rp220 million.
  3. A 2022 Honda HR-V SUV, acquired through personal earnings, valued at Rp330 million.
  4. A 2019 Toyota Alphard Luxury Minibus, acquired through personal earnings, valued at Rp518 million.

Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa’s Asset Portfolio

In contrast, the outgoing Minister of Finance, Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa, presents a different financial profile according to his LHKPN filing submitted on the exact same date, February 27, 2026. While Purbaya’s total reported wealth stood at Rp57.4 billion—subsequently lower than Suahasil’s overall net worth of Rp138.1 billion—his collection of motor vehicles was notably more extensive and carried a higher aggregate monetary value.

Purbaya’s garage inventory featured six distinct motor vehicles, comprising four automobiles and two motorcycles, with a total estimated value of Rp3.606 billion. The detailed inventory comprises:

  1. A 2008 Mercedes-Benz Sedan, acquired through personal earnings, valued at Rp200 million.
  2. A 2019 BMW SUV model, acquired through personal earnings, valued at Rp1.6 billion.
  3. A 2019 Toyota Alphard Minibus, acquired through personal earnings, valued at Rp1 billion.
  4. A 2019 Peugeot 5008 SUV model, acquired through personal earnings, valued at Rp730 million.
  5. A 2018 Yamaha XMAX scooter, acquired through personal earnings, valued at Rp55 million.
  6. A 2021 Honda Vario 125 scooter, acquired through personal earnings, valued at Rp21 million.

The contrast between the two officials highlights interesting facets of asset allocation among Indonesia’s top policymakers: while Purbaya maintained a higher expenditure on luxury and diverse vehicular transport—including high-end European SUVs and motorcycles—Suahasil commands a significantly higher overall net worth, heavily weighted toward non-vehicular assets such as real estate, land holdings, and financial securities.

Implications and Economic Outlook

The appointment of Suahasil Nazara as Minister of Finance carries profound implications for Indonesia’s economic trajectory. As the country navigates global economic headwinds, fluctuating commodity prices, and the imperative to finance ambitious national infrastructure and social programs, the Ministry of Finance remains the central pillar of national development.

Financial analysts and economists have generally reacted to Suahasil’s promotion with cautious optimism. Because he has been an integral architect of recent fiscal policies, his appointment signals to the market that core principles of fiscal prudence—such as maintaining the statutory budget deficit ceiling under 3 percent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and ensuring prudent debt-to-GDP ratios—will likely remain cornerstones of the administration’s strategy.

Furthermore, Suahasil’s extensive institutional memory within the ministry is expected to streamline bureaucratic processes that may have experienced friction under previous leadership. His familiarity with international financial institutions, multilateral development banks, and foreign investor networks will also serve as a vital asset in maintaining investor confidence.

However, challenges remain formidable. The new Finance Minister must immediately address revenue optimization, tax administration reform via the core tax system upgrade, and the delicate balancing act of funding state priorities without imposing excessive burdens on the broader population or stalling domestic consumption.

As Suahasil Nazara officially takes command of the fiscal portfolio, all eyes will be on his initial policy pronouncements, coordination with Bank Indonesia regarding monetary-fiscal synergy, and his ability to steer Southeast Asia’s largest economy through an increasingly uncertain global financial environment.

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Culinary

Malaysia Islamic Party President Abdul Hadi Awang Proposal to Restrict Non-Muslim Ministers Sparks Major Constitutional and Political Backlash

by Suro Senen
written by Suro Senen

KUALA LUMPUR — A fresh political and constitutional storm has erupted in Malaysia following controversial remarks made by Abdul Hadi Awang, the president of the Malaysian Islamic Party, commonly known by its Malay acronym PAS. During the party’s annual congress held in the northeastern state of Kelantan, the veteran Islamist leader proposed that under a PAS-led federal government, non-Muslim cabinet ministers should be strictly barred from formulating government policies. Instead, their roles would be confined exclusively to overseeing the implementation of policies formulated solely by Muslim ministers.

The proposition has drawn sharp, immediate condemnation from federal lawmakers, civil society groups, and multiracial political organizations across the country. Critics argue that the proposal fundamentally undermines the secular foundation of Malaysia’s Federal Constitution, violates the principles of equal citizenship, and signals a deliberate, systematic march toward the establishment of a hardline religious theocracy. The ongoing controversy highlights the deeply polarized nature of Malaysian politics, where the steady rise of conservative Islamic nationalism championed by PAS continues to clash with the pluralistic, multi-ethnic ethos of the broader national framework.

Chronology of Recurrent Controversies

Abdul Hadi Awang’s recent statements are far from an isolated incident. They represent a recurring ideological motif that has characterized the political rhetoric of the PAS leadership over the past decade.

The historical trajectory of this policy stance dates back significantly:

  • The 2013 General Election Context: More than a decade ago, ahead of the 2013 national polls, Hadi publicly articulated a similar position. Speaking to the national news agency Bernama, he asserted that while non-Muslim individuals could hold ministerial positions—specifically citing the Ministry of Works as an appropriate portfolio—the highest executive office of prime minister and all positions directly responsible for formulating core national policies must be reserved exclusively for Muslims.
  • The Post-2018 Political Shifts: Following the historic 2018 general election, which saw the first-ever defeat of the long-ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition, PAS increasingly doubled down on ethnoreligious mobilization. As the party consolidated its political base in the northern Malay-majority states of Kelantan, Terengganu, Kedah, and Perlis, its leadership frequently utilized religious platforms to outline its vision for an Islamic state.
  • The September 5 Annual Congress: During the latest party congress in Kelantan, Hadi reignited the debate by elaborating on the division of labor within a hypothetical PAS-led cabinet. He explicitly stated that ministries dealing with core ideological governance, religious affairs, and the execution of sharia law must be handled strictly by Muslims. To illustrate where non-Muslims could participate, he cited the Ministry of Works and the Ministry of Forestry—despite the factual observation that Malaysia lacks a dedicated federal Ministry of Forestry, a minor detail that further invited public ridicule and criticism.

Political Reactions and Institutional Condemnation

The fallout from the Kelantan congress was swift, drawing severe rebukes from prominent figures within the federal government and multi-religious coalitions.

Ramkarpal Singh, the Deputy Secretary-General and head of the legal bureau of the Democratic Action Party (DAP)—a key component of Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s current unity government—did not mince words in his response. Ramkarpal characterized Hadi’s proposal as inherently divisive, dangerous, and diametrically opposed to the spirit and letter of the Federal Constitution. He emphasized that the constitution guarantees equal rights, protections, and opportunities for all citizens regardless of race or religion, rendering any attempt to institutionalize second-tier cabinet status for non-Muslims legally untenable.

Simultaneously, the Malaysian Consultative Council of Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Sikhism and Taoism (MCCBCHST), the premier interfaith body representing the country’s diverse non-Muslim communities, issued a stern warning. The council expressed profound constitutional concerns, arguing that Hadi’s statements are not merely rhetorical posturing, but rather a transparent indicator of a broader, sustained agenda by PAS to dismantle Malaysia’s constitutional democracy and replace it with a theological governance model. The council reminded the public that federal cabinet ministers, regardless of their portfolio, share collective responsibility under the law and must serve all Malaysians equitably without religious stratification.

Conversely, the proposal received vocal backing from the internal non-Muslim wing of PAS, highlighting a deep ideological split even among minority supporters of the party. Representatives from the PAS Supporters Congress ( DHPP) defended the party president’s remarks, arguing that they were being misinterpreted by political opponents seeking to stoke communal fears. Nevertheless, this internal defense did little to quell the broader national outrage.

Broader Political Implications and Electoral Dynamics

The timing of Hadi’s remarks carries immense strategic weight within the complex tapestry of contemporary Malaysian politics. PAS currently operates as a dominant component of the Perikatan Nasional (PN) opposition coalition, alongside the Malaysian United Indigenous Party (Bersatu). Over recent electoral cycles, particularly during the November 2022 general election and subsequent state-level polls in 2023, the PAS-led opposition experienced a massive surge in electoral support, often referred to by political analysts as the "green wave."

This Islamist surge enabled PAS to capture substantial electoral ground, expanding its footprint beyond its traditional rural strongholds into semi-urban and mixed-demographic constituencies. The party’s electoral momentum was further amplified through tactical cooperation and regional adjustments, such as interactions involving factions of Barisan Nasional in state elections like Johor and Negeri Sembilan, which created temporary setbacks for the Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition led by Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim.

However, the aggressive pursuit of conservative religious policies by PAS presents a formidable double-edged sword. While it successfully galvanizes the party’s core Malay-Muslim base in the peninsula, it simultaneously alienates non-Muslim voters, who make up roughly a third of Malaysia’s population, as well as moderate Muslims and the crucial electorate of the East Malaysian states of Sabah and Sarawak. In Sabah and Sarawak, where religious pluralism and cultural diversity are deeply ingrained social values, explicit rhetoric regarding restricted non-Muslim governance is met with profound apprehension and outright rejection.

Constitutional Realities vs. Ideological Aspirations

From a legal and institutional standpoint, executing the governance model proposed by Abdul Hadi Awang remains legally unfeasible under the existing Malaysian constitutional framework. The Federal Constitution of Malaysia, drafted upon independence in 1957, establishes Islam as the religion of the Federation, but it explicitly guarantees freedom of religion and equality before the law for all citizens under Article 8 and Article 11.

Furthermore, the oath of office taken by federal ministers requires them to faithfully discharge their duties without fear or favor, serving the entire nation rather than any specific religious constituency. For PAS to implement a discriminatory cabinet structure that segregates ministers based on religious credentials would require sweeping constitutional amendments—a scenario requiring a two-thirds parliamentary majority that the Islamist party and its allies currently do not possess, particularly given the vehement opposition from East Malaysian coalitions whose support is vital for any federal government.

Conclusion

The latest controversy surrounding Abdul Hadi Awang’s ministerial restriction proposal underscores the persistent ideological fault lines running through Malaysian society. As the country navigates post-pandemic economic recovery and geopolitical shifts, the friction between inclusive constitutional democracy and conservative religious nationalism remains one of the defining political narratives of the era. While PAS continues to utilize such rhetoric to solidify its base ahead of future electoral contests, the severe backlash from civil society, interfaith organizations, and federal leaders demonstrates that the defense of Malaysia’s pluralistic foundations remains a fiercely guarded priority for a vast segment of the nation.

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National News

New Delhi BRICS Summit 2026 Concludes with Historic New Delhi Declaration and a Unified Call from President Prabowo for Global South Empowerment

by Pevita Pearce
written by Pevita Pearce

The international diplomatic landscape reached a significant milestone on Saturday, September 12, 2026, as the BRICS Summit officially concluded at the prestigious Bharat Mandapam convention center in New Delhi, India. The high-profile gathering of emerging economies culminated in the formal adoption of the New Delhi Declaration, a comprehensive framework designed to translate long-standing diplomatic commitments into tangible, actionable outcomes. Hosted by the Republic of India, the summit drew international attention not only for its policy directives regarding the reform of global institutions but also for the powerful coalition-building among member states aiming to amplify the voices of developing nations on the world stage.

Background and Context of the BRICS 2026 Summit

The BRICS bloc—originally comprising Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, and subsequently expanded to include several new member states—has steadily evolved from an economic acronym into a formidable geopolitical and financial counterweight to traditional Western-led institutions. The 2026 summit in New Delhi took place against a backdrop of escalating global uncertainties, including fragmented supply chains, post-pandemic economic recoveries, ongoing geopolitical conflicts, and systemic inequities within global governance bodies such as the United Nations Security Council, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the World Bank.

For months leading up to the September gathering, sherpas and foreign ministers from member states negotiated extensively to craft a unifying document that could address these multi-faceted crises. The choice of New Delhi as the host city underscored India’s growing diplomatic clout and its strategic vision of bridging the interests of the Global North and the Global South. Security was exceptionally tight throughout the event, punctuated by high-profile arrivals, including Russian President Vladimir Putin, whose transport aboard the advanced Illyushin Il-96-300PU command aircraft—often referred to in geopolitical circles as the "Doomsday plane"—underscored the high-stakes nature of modern summit diplomacy.

Chronology of the Summit and Key Proceedings

The path to the New Delhi Declaration involved a rigorous schedule of multilateral engagements, restricted-format leadership dialogues, and plenary sessions spanning several days in mid-September 2026.

KTT BRICS 2026 Hasilkan Deklarasi New Delhi, Prabowo: Ini Kekuatan yang Kita Butuhkan
  • September 11, 2026: Delegations arrived in the Indian capital, accompanied by bilateral sideline meetings addressing trade agreements, local currency settlements, and technological cooperation. The arrival of key heads of state set a tense yet cooperative tone for the economic powerhouse bloc.
  • September 12, 2026: The core of the leadership deliberations took place at Bharat Mandapam. During the restricted session, leaders engaged in transparent, constructive assessments of contemporary global realities. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi opened the dialogue by emphasizing that the accelerating pace of global change demands an urgent, comprehensive overhaul of international institutions. Later that afternoon, the finalized New Delhi Declaration was formally adopted, committing members to actionable metrics rather than rhetorical promises.
  • September 13, 2026: Post-summit analyses, bilateral press briefings, and regional reactions began circulating globally, evaluating the immediate economic and political ripples of the declaration.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Vision for Institutional Reform

Addressing the plenary session, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi provided a sharp critique of the current architecture of global governance. He argued that the world’s institutional frameworks remain woefully outdated, lacking the representation, agility, and modern rules of engagement required to navigate twenty-first-century challenges.

"We must work through partnership and collective action to bridge the gap between commitment and result," Prime Minister Modi stated during his address. Highlighting the core achievement of the summit, he added, "The ‘New Delhi Declaration’ adopted today provides a clear direction for our shared resolve. Now it is our responsibility to translate these commitments into real outcomes."

Modi’s remarks resonated deeply with delegations seeking structural reforms in international financial institutions, advocating for a system that better reflects the economic weight of emerging markets rather than post-World War II power dynamics.

President Prabowo Subianto and the Voice of the Global South

Among the prominent voices shaping the dialogue was Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto, who delivered a compelling address emphasizing that the strength of BRICS must extend far beyond diplomatic paperwork. Representing one of Southeast Asia’s most dynamic economies, Prabowo positioned his remarks around the practical empowerment of ordinary citizens and the structural elevation of the Global South.

"Inilah jenis kekuatan kolektif yang kita butuhkan. Kekuatan yang tidak berhenti di atas kertas, tetapi diterjemahkan menjadi peluang bagi masyarakat kita. Kekuatan yang memungkinkan Global South memiliki suara yang lebih besar dalam membentuk masa depannya sendiri," President Prabowo asserted, translating his vision for equitable global participation.

KTT BRICS 2026 Hasilkan Deklarasi New Delhi, Prabowo: Ini Kekuatan yang Kita Butuhkan

Expanding on this theme, the Indonesian leader stressed that collective solidarity within the bloc should serve as a practical instrument for forging a fairer, more balanced international order. He argued that when emerging nations pool their diplomatic and economic capital, their collective interests can no longer be sidelined by traditional power centers.

"Kekuatan yang sama juga harus digunakan untuk membangun tatanan internasional yang lebih adil dan setara. Bersama-sama, kita dapat membuat kekuatan kita diperhitungkan," he added.

Fact-Based Analysis of Implications and Future Outlook

The adoption of the New Delhi Declaration carries profound implications for international relations, global trade, and multilateral diplomacy. By institutionalizing mechanisms for closer cooperation, the BRICS bloc has signaled its intent to challenge unipolar financial systems, promote alternative payment mechanisms to reduce reliance on dominant reserve currencies, and foster resilient supply chains among developing nations.

However, analysts point out that the true test of the New Delhi Declaration will lie in its implementation. Past declarations by large multilateral blocs have frequently faced hurdles regarding domestic political shifts, divergent national interests among member states, and bureaucratic inertia. For Indonesia, India, and their partners, maintaining cohesion while expanding membership will require delicate balancing acts.

Nevertheless, the 2026 New Delhi summit has fundamentally redrawn the parameters of diplomatic engagement. It has reinforced the narrative that the Global South is no longer a passive recipient of global rules formulated elsewhere, but an active, assertive architect of its own economic and political destiny. As the delegations depart New Delhi, the global community watches closely to see how quickly and effectively these lofty declarations materialize into ground-level realities.

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Health

US President Donald Trump Backs Mohammed bin Salman in Yemen Operations Amid Red Sea Tensions

by Ali Ikhwan
written by Ali Ikhwan

RIYADH — In a significant diplomatic and military alignment, United States President Donald Trump has expressed full support for Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS) regarding ongoing operations in Yemen. According to multiple well-informed sources, the two leaders held several high-level discussions over the past few days to coordinate strategy as the security situation along Yemen’s critical coastline rapidly deteriorates.

The renewed coordination comes as Iranian-backed Houthi forces achieve notable territorial advances along Yemen’s strategic Red Sea coastline, posing an immediate threat to international maritime trade routes. In response to these developments, Washington and Riyadh have intensified their military and intelligence cooperation, signaling a robust return to traditional security partnerships in the Middle East.

Direct Intelligence Sharing and Military Coordination

During their recent communications, President Trump assured Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman that the United States would provide comprehensive backing, specifically offering crucial intelligence support and precision-targeting assistance. This military cooperation is designed to counter the momentum of the Houthi movement, which has continuously disrupted global shipping lanes in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden through missile and drone attacks.

The intensification of diplomatic talks has quickly translated into boots-on-the-ground military diplomacy. Admiral Brad Cooper, the Commander of the United States Central Command (CENTCOM), recently arrived in the Saudi capital, Riyadh. Admiral Cooper is scheduled to hold high-level meetings with senior Saudi military commanders and government officials. The primary agenda of these closed-door discussions focuses on solidifying joint military coordination, streamlining intelligence-sharing mechanisms, and securing vital regional waterways.

CENTCOM has consistently emphasized that maintaining the freedom of navigation and ensuring regional security remain top operational priorities for the United States Armed Forces in the Middle East. The deployment of high-ranking military leadership to the region underscores the urgency with which Washington and Riyadh view the current maritime security crisis.

A senior official within the Trump administration, speaking on the condition of anonymity due to the sensitivity of the diplomatic discussions, elaborated on Washington’s strategic objectives. The official stated that the United States remains firmly focused on protecting its core national security interests—chief among them guaranteeing the unhindered flow of global commerce through the Red Sea—while simultaneously empowering regional partners to take the lead in addressing local security challenges.

"We continue to maintain an open and active dialogue with both the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the internationally recognized Government of the Republic of Yemen regarding long-term regional stability," the senior administration official added.

Background Context of the Yemen Conflict and Red Sea Crisis

To fully understand the gravity of the current U.S.-Saudi coordination, one must examine the protracted nature of the Yemeni civil war, which began in late 2014 when Houthi rebels ousted the internationally recognized government from the capital, Sanaa. The conflict escalated dramatically in March 2015 when a Saudi-led coalition intervened militarily to restore the legitimate government, triggering one of the worst humanitarian crises in modern history.

While formal large-scale military engagements between the Saudi-led coalition and the Houthi movement have largely subsided in recent years due to fragile, UN-brokered ceasefires and direct bilateral talks between Riyadh and Sanaa, the underlying geopolitical tensions have never truly dissipated. The situation transformed into a broader international crisis following the outbreak of the Israel-Hamas war in October 2023.

Citing solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza, the Houthi movement began launching ballistic missiles, cruise missiles, and explosive-laden drones toward commercial vessels transiting the Bab el-Mandeb Strait and the Red Sea. These attacks crippled international supply chains, forced major global shipping lines to reroute vessels around the Cape of Good Hope—adding thousands of miles and millions of dollars to global trade—and prompted the formation of U.S.-led maritime task forces, including Operation Prosperity Guardian.

Despite previous multinational defensive naval operations, the Houthis have proven resilient, maintaining an asymmetric warfare capability supported extensively by the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). The recent Houthi advances along the Red Sea coastline have alarmed Western and Gulf capitals alike, prompting the renewed security pact between Washington and Riyadh to neutralize the immediate threat.

Chronology of Escalation and Recent Diplomatic Engagements

The trajectory of the current escalation and the subsequent U.S.-Saudi alignment can be traced through several critical milestones over the past several months:

  • October 2023 – Early 2024: Following the onset of the Gaza conflict, Houthi forces initiate systematic drone and missile attacks against commercial shipping in the Red Sea, drawing immediate retaliatory airstrikes from U.S. and British naval forces.
  • Mid-2024: Despite localized defensive strikes, the Houthi movement demonstrates an ability to adapt, utilizing underground storage facilities and mobile launchers to sustain maritime harassment campaigns. Regional diplomacy between Saudi Arabia and the Houthis hits a temporary stalemate.
  • Late 2024 – Early 2025: Houthi fighters achieve significant tactical advances along coastal regions of western Yemen, threatening strategic ports and escalating anxiety in Riyadh regarding southern border security and maritime choke points.
  • Recent Days: Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and U.S. President Donald Trump conduct multiple direct telephone consultations, establishing a framework for heightened military cooperation.
  • Present: CENTCOM Commander Admiral Brad Cooper arrives in Riyadh to operationalize the intelligence-sharing and targeting agreements forged between President Trump and MBS, marking a formal tightening of the U.S.-Saudi defense partnership.

Broader Implications and Strategic Analysis

The reinvigoration of the U.S.-Saudi security partnership under the Trump administration carries profound geopolitical implications for the Middle East and global trade networks.

First, the decision to provide intelligence and targeting assistance represents a direct shift toward aggressive containment of Iranian proxy networks. For years, regional analysts debated whether Washington would adopt a purely defensive posture in the Red Sea or move toward offensive containment. By actively assisting Saudi Arabia in countering Houthi advances on the ground and along the coastline, the U.S. is signaling a zero-tolerance policy for disruptions to international trade corridors.

Second, the move underscores the durability of the strategic partnership between Washington and Riyadh. Despite periodic diplomatic friction over human rights, energy production quotas, and regional diplomacy in previous years, traditional security imperatives—chiefly regional stability, counter-terrorism, and the protection of global energy supplies—continue to bind the two nations together.

However, international humanitarian organizations and regional observers have expressed cautious concern regarding the potential escalation of hostilities. A return to active military engagement in Yemen risks fracturing the delicate, long-standing truce that has largely held since 2022, potentially reigniting a devastating civil war and worsening the humanitarian plight of millions of Yemeni civilians.

Furthermore, increased military cooperation between the United States and Saudi Arabia is almost certain to draw sharp diplomatic protests from Tehran. Iran has consistently denied direct operational command over Houthi military actions, yet Western intelligence agencies have repeatedly documented extensive shipments of advanced missile components, drones, and technical expertise smuggled across the Arabian Sea into Yemen. Any joint U.S.-Saudi military campaign that successfully degrades Houthi capabilities will likely trigger asymmetric retaliatory measures from Iran or its regional network, potentially expanding the theater of conflict across the broader Gulf region.

As Admiral Cooper continues his high-level consultations with Saudi military leadership in Riyadh, the international community watches closely. The success or failure of this renewed coordination will not only determine the security of the Red Sea and the freedom of global navigation but will also set the strategic tone for U.S.-Gulf relations for the foreseeable future.

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President Prabowo Subianto Emphasizes National Resilience and Independent Foreign Policy at the 18th BRICS Summit in New Delhi

by Pevita Pearce
written by Pevita Pearce

NEW DELHI — Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto delivered a compelling call for national self-reliance and inclusive international cooperation during a restricted session of the 18th BRICS Summit held in New Delhi, India. Addressing world leaders and international delegates under the thematic umbrella of Inclusive Global Governance and Strengthening Multilateralism, the Indonesian leader articulated a foreign policy vision rooted in domestic strength, food security, and strategic autonomy.

The high-level diplomatic gathering, hosted in the Indian capital, serves as a pivotal forum for emerging economies to deliberate on reshaping global governance architectures. President Prabowo’s participation underscores Indonesia’s active diplomatic posture on the international stage, balancing robust engagement with multilateral blocs while fiercely guarding its traditional principle of non-alignment.

Core Pillars of National Resilience

Speaking directly to his counterparts within the BRICS alliance—which comprises Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, alongside newly inducted members—Prabowo stressed that true international sovereignty originates from internal stability and the capacity to meet fundamental societal needs. He argued that collective strength among developing nations is ultimately derivative of the welfare and security of their respective citizenries.

"With us standing together, we also become stronger. Strength always begins from within, with our people, through our ability to provide for their food needs, guarantee the energy supplies they require, educate our children, and afford them the opportunity to live prosperous lives. That is how we build a resilient nation that is truly independent," President Prabowo stated during the session.

The Indonesian head of state elaborated that foundational domestic capabilities—encompassing stable food supply chains, reliable energy grids, accessible and high-quality education, and equitable economic mobility—form the bedrock upon which sustainable national security is built. Without these baseline achievements, nations remain vulnerable to external shocks, market volatilities, and geopolitical coercion.

Strategic Autonomy and Multilateral Engagement

Expanding on the theme of multilateralism, President Prabowo underscored that national resilience is the primary prerequisite for independent policymaking. In an increasingly polarized global environment marked by trade fragmentation and supply chain weaponization, Indonesia continues to champion an independent and active foreign policy (politik luar negeri bebas aktif).

Prabowo reiterated that Indonesia desires collaborative partnerships with all global powers but firmly rejects any form of dependency, hegemony, or undue external pressure. By fortifying national foundations from within, Jakarta aims to project confidence and stability, contributing constructively to regional and global peace without compromising its sovereign decision-making processes.

This messaging aligns closely with Indonesia’s broader developmental trajectory, particularly the ongoing national initiatives centered on downstreaming natural resources, achieving food self-sufficiency through expansive agricultural modernization, and transitioning toward renewable energy independence. By sharing these domestic imperatives at a major emerging-market summit, Indonesia positioned its national development agenda as a blueprint for collective resilience among developing nations.

Chronology and Diplomatic Engagement in New Delhi

President Prabowo’s appearance at the 18th BRICS Summit was the centerpiece of a tightly orchestrated diplomatic itinerary in India.

Upon his arrival at the summit venue in New Delhi, President Prabowo was formally welcomed by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The high-profile reception highlighted the robust bilateral ties between Jakarta and New Delhi, both of which play critical leadership roles in the Global South. The leaders exchanged pleasantries before proceeding to the restricted plenary sessions, where pressing global challenges—including reform of the international financial architecture, sustainable development, and geopolitical stability—took center stage.

The summit itself marks a crucial milestone in the evolution of BRICS. Following its historic expansion that brought in several major Middle Eastern and African economies, the bloc has increasingly positioned itself as a counterweight to Western-dominated multilateral institutions, advocating for a more multipolar world order. While Indonesia has historically maintained a cautious stance regarding formal membership in various economic blocs to preserve its strategic flexibility, Jakarta’s sustained participation in BRICS dialogues reflects its pragmatic commitment to engaging with all major economic coalitions that influence global trade and governance.

Background and Context of BRICS Expansion

The 18th BRICS Summit arrives at a tumultuous time for international relations. Established originally as an informal grouping of emerging market economies—Brazil, Russia, India, and China, with South Africa joining later—the bloc has evolved into a substantive geopolitical and economic platform. Collectively, the expanded BRICS nations represent a massive share of the global population, territory, and gross domestic product, giving them substantial leverage in discussions surrounding international trade reform, climate finance, and global security.

For Indonesia, engaging with BRICS offers multiple strategic advantages. As Southeast Asia’s largest economy and one of the world’s fastest-growing emerging markets, Indonesia shares many developmental priorities with BRICS members, particularly concerning the reform of Bretton Woods institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. Developing nations have long criticized these legacy institutions for failing to provide adequate voice and representation to the Global South.

At the same time, Indonesia has carefully navigated its participation to ensure it does not become entangled in great power rivalries, particularly the ongoing strategic competition between the United States and China. By emphasizing "inclusive global governance," President Prabowo’s administration signals that Indonesia favors cooperative multilateralism that bridges divides rather than deepens them.

Expert Analysis: Implications for Indonesia’s Foreign Economic Policy

Foreign policy analysts and economic observers have noted that President Prabowo’s address in New Delhi signals continuity with Indonesia’s traditional diplomatic doctrines while adapting them to 21st-century economic realities.

By tying international standing directly to domestic self-sufficiency, Prabowo is operationalizing a neo-mercantilist approach to national development—one where domestic industrialization, food estates, and energy transition programs are viewed not merely as domestic policy goals, but as matters of supreme national security and foreign policy leverage.

Furthermore, analysts suggest that Indonesia’s active engagement with BRICS platforms provides Jakarta with valuable leverage in global trade negotiations. As protectionist sentiments rise in Western economies and traditional supply chains undergo rapid restructuring ("friend-shoring" and "near-shoring"), emerging economies are increasingly looking to diversify their economic partnerships. Participation in forums like BRICS allows Indonesia to advocate for fair trade terms, equitable technology transfers, and resilient financial networks that protect developing economies from sudden currency fluctuations and external debt distress.

However, challenges remain. Balancing relations between traditional Western partners and major emerging powers requires delicate diplomatic navigation. Indonesia’s insistence on strategic autonomy means that while Jakarta will cooperate extensively with BRICS members on trade, investment, and governance reform, it will continue to resist formal alignment that could restrict its diplomatic maneuvering room.

Conclusion and Future Outlook

As the 18th BRICS Summit concludes in New Delhi, President Prabowo Subianto’s intervention leaves a clear imprint on the discourse surrounding the future of global governance. By centering the conversation on domestic resilience, food and energy security, and genuine independence, Indonesia has forcefully reminded the international community that sustainable multilateralism must be built upon the solid foundation of sovereign, self-reliant nation-states.

Moving forward, Jakarta is expected to continue utilizing high-level multilateral platforms to advocate for the interests of the Global South, pushing for systemic reforms in international finance and trade while steadily implementing its domestic roadmap for economic independence and sustainable prosperity.

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